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The Asia-Pacific region is characterized not only by unprecedented economic growth, but also as being one of the last bastions of authoritarianism. As such, deep political tensions persist in the region, and many questions remain surrounding the uncertainty of the Asia-Pacific's geopolitical future. In The Politics of the Asia-Pacific, senior scholars, former diplomats, and emerging voices introduce readers to the complexities of the colonial history, economics, democratization, authoritarianism, governance, and security within the region. Written by a diverse group of contributors with unique expertise in the region, the book includes immersive active-learning sequences in the form of classroom simulations, including a Model United Nations emergency session involving North Korea, an ASEAN Summit, and a women's movement conference. These exciting simulations are grounded in real-world descriptions of the politics of the region and encourage students to learn through role-playing, research, public-speaking, and diplomatic negotiations with peers. Exploring the region's rapid economic growth and the great deal of politics that remain unsettled, The Politics of the Asia-Pacific shows why an education in global politics for the twenty-first century is incomplete without a consideration of this dynamic region.

"The Republic of Indonesia is a rising great power in the Asia-Pacific, set to become the eighth largest economy in the world in the coming decades. It is the most populous Muslim majority country in the world. The largest Islamic organizations and parties have supported Indonesia's participation with global markets, but this has not come from an ideological support for capitalism or economic liberalization. Islamic political culture has denounced the injustices caused by global capitalism and its excesses. In fact, support for Indonesia's engagement with the international political economy is born from political pragmatism, and from Indonesia's struggles to achieve economic development. This book examines the role of Islamic identity in Indonesia's foreign economic relations and in its engagement with the world order. There is no single expression of Islam in Indonesia, the politics espoused by Islamic parties and organizations are far from monolithic. Islamic sentiment has been invoked by the state to justify heinous acts of brutality, as well as by violent, subnational revolutionary groups. However, these expressions of Islam have deviated from the dominant narrative, which is in favour of international cooperation and economic development. Economic exploitation, political alienation, financial volatility, and aggression toward Muslims around the world that has caused some Islamic groups to radicalize. The political culture of Islam in Indonesia is a social force that is helping to foster a peaceful rise for Indonesia. However, a peaceful expression of Islam is not inevitable for the republic, nor can it be assumed that Islamic identity in Indonesia will unwaveringly support the global economic order, regardless of what might occur in global politics"--

Human civilizations throughout time have all grappled with the challenge of molding geographical and environmental conditions for the purpose of developing their respective societies and cultures. Empires of old have imposed their imperial will over subject populations to have them 'fit' into a prescribed empirical development paradigm. This is no less true in regions of East Asia when, in the aftermath of World War II, Western nations – led especially by the United States – began to impose political and economic policies that galvanized the ethos of a 'modern' development paradigm in the East Asian realm. This situation has led to a clash of societal traditions and cultural values that has not abated for more than seventy years. The purpose of this short study, then, is to examine the impact of the so-called 'Western development architecture' in East Asia, and to acknowledge changes that have produced a dichotomy of Western and Eastern development paradigms in the current political-economic situation of the early 21st century.

This paper presents an inquiry into the state of conversations in international politics on the prospects for the global environmental governance of climate change. The essay reviews the literature on regime theory and its discontents to provide a working understanding of the authors' conception of global environmental governance for climate change as a regime. The most recent cases of global environmental governance on climate change are discussed, focusing on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change as the primary arena for governance-building discussions, leading up to the 2009 Copenhagen Summit. The paper then considers the conversations that posit the failures of Copenhagen and question a current existential crisis facing global environmental governance on climate change. Finally, it is suggested that these failures of the Copenhagen round can be understood within the context of regime theory and its limitations in International Relations. The experience of Copenhagen is representative of continuity with both regime theory and the recent history of global environmental governance on climate change. While the Copenhagen Accord may represent a failure as an international institution on climate change it is perhaps not a failure if interpreted more broadly as part of a governing global climate change regime.

This article examines the states of Canada-ASEAN relations and the key issues, which follow this relationship. The authors present the historical background behind the emergence of ASEAN during the Vietnam War, and describe Canadian interaction from this period to 1980s. However, even the last decade in the 1990s, Canada's relations with the ASEAN region have failed to regain any focus, underscoring the lack of a consistent and sustained policy in what is an increasingly crucial area. The article then discusses the issues and strategies for ensuring better relations concerning the changing global political, economic, and social environments well into the future. The authors study each current issue, also examining those affecting Burma (Myanmar), humanitarian intervention, and non-interference; considering the acceptance and signing the ASEAN treaty of amity and cooperation initiated in 1976; and utilizing the ASEAN organization as an entry point to establish better relations with the nations of east Asia. The authors conclude that Canadian-ASEAN relations at a crossroads, tying in points from within to reconsider several of the key issues at hand, to develop strategies for sustained engagement, and recalibrate policies to ensure fruitful and productive footing. Adapted from the source document.

Touhey, R ; Woo, Y. P.: Canada and Asia. - S. 875-877 Kawasaki, T.: Strangers no longer : The identity shift in the Canada-Japan relationship. - S. 879-890 Jiang, W.: Seeking a strategic vision for Canada-China relations. - S. 891-909 Touhey, R.: From periphery to priority : Lessons of the Canada-India relationship 1976-2009. - S. 911-925 Stubbs, R. ; Williams, M. S.: The poor cousin? Canada - ASEAN relations. - S. 927-939 Kim, R. B. ; Bureau, S.: Canada-Korea economic relations. - S. 941-952 A conversation on Canada-Asia relations. - S. 953-971 Ciuriak, D. ; Curtis, J. M.: Canada's commercial relationship with Asia. - S. 973-987 Chin, G.: Shifting purpose : Asia's rise and Canada's foreign aid. - S. 989-1009 Yu, H.: Global migrants and the new Pacific Canada. - S. 1011-1026 Evans, P.: Canada and Asia Pacific's track-two diplomacy. - S. 1027-1038 Donaghy, G.: To know and be known : The Department of External Affairs and the creation of the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, 1978-194. - S. 1039-1054

The risk of a radiological or nuclear public health emergency is a major growing concern of the U.S. government. To address a potential incident and ensure that the government is prepared to respond to any subsequent civilian or military casualties, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and the Department of Defense have been charged with the development of medical countermeasures (MCMs) to treat the acute and delayed injuries that can result from radiation exposure. Because of the limited budgets in research and development and the high costs associated with bring promising approaches from the bench through advanced product development activities, and ultimately, to regulatory approval, the U.S. government places a priority on repurposing products for which there already exists relevant safety and other important information concerning their use in humans. Generating human data can be a costly and time-consuming process; therefore, the U.S. government has interest in drugs for which such relevant information has been established (e.g., products for another indication), and in determining if they could be repurposed for use as MCMs to treat radiation injuries as well as chemical and biological insults. To explore these possibilities, the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) convened a workshop including U.S. government, industry and academic subject matter experts, to discuss the challenges and benefits of repurposing products for a radiation indication. Topics covered included a discussion of U.S. government efforts (e.g. funding, stockpiling and making products available for study), as well unique regulatory and other challenges faced when repurposing patent protected or generic drugs. Other discussions involved lessons learned from industry on repurposing pre-license, pipeline products within drug development portfolios. This report reviews the information presented, as well as an overview of discussions from the meeting.